18th Annual Black Women's Film Festival!

"We support South Dallas Cultural Center"
 Yeharerwerk Gashaw

 

BLACK CINEMATHEQUE DALLAS

and the South Dallas Cultural Center

18th Annual Black Women's

18th Annual Black Women's

Film Festival

 

  Black Women’s History

March is Women’s History Month

Join us in Celebrating

 Since its inception in the early twentieth century, (International Women’s Day) now called Women’s History Month has been rooted in the struggle for economic justice, growing out of local demonstrations by women workers demanding shorter hours, better pay, voting rights, peace, as well as, an end to poverty, hunger and white supremacy.

 

As the nation reflects on the contributions of women to American society, Black Cinematheque Dallas joins the SDCC asking the question."What is the image of the Black woman in the media and how can Black women control it?".

 

 

Miz Marilyn Clark

 

 

Let's Rock Black History Every Day

 

Film Festival Schedule

                                       Friday, March 16, 2012 7:30PM

Sonia Sanchez:Shake Loose Memories  by Jamal Joseph  60 min.

Sonia Sanchez- poetry icon, professor emeritus at Temple University, mother, co founder of the Black Arts Movement, pioneer of the Black studies program at San Francisco State, and tireless fighter for human rights. She is a stuttering child from Alabama, abused step-daughter from Harlem, single mother struggling to raise her children, an artist, & a revolutionary battling oppression on all front

 

Miss Lizzie Devine  by James Ransom & Cherie Johnson: 3 min.
Miss Lizzie Devine a powerful and loving Sunday school teacher goes door to door  and picks up children for Sunday school—willingly or unwillingly. Say Amen, Somebody.

Girls Like Me by Kiri Davis  8 min.

What messages does our society give African American children about their value and worth as human beings? In her documentary, A Girl Like Me, 16 year old filmmaker Kiri Davis conducts interviews with her peers to explore the impact and consequences of corporate messages about identity, culture and history.

 

Sat.  Morning March 17, 2012 10AM-1 PM

Free Films for Youth
A morning of images on film and in the gallery along with cultural activities designed for our youth.Margaret Taylor Burroughs in her poem penned in 1968 asked "What Shall I Tell My Children Who are Black?" and in 2012 we are still asking the same question.

 

We will explore the power of derogatory words aimed at Black females and examine how these words are used daily in sports, TV commercials, cartoons, reality shows, in our homes, and on the street. In a society where artists are glorified for being gunned down, women admired for being naked while dancing on a pole and our children quoting lyrics to songs of death, how do we snatch our youth from the demons of corporate & street marketing?

 

Harriet Returns by Tamu Favorite: 8 mins.
Harriet Returns urgently returns to modern times to emancipate two young wanna-be rappers

Happy to Be Nappy and Other Stories About Me: 5 mins.Did you know that nobody else in the world is just like you?

Breakin' In: The Making of a Hip Hop Dancer by Elizabeth St. Philip: 60 mins. This film goes behind the scenes to find the truth behind the highly sexualized images of women on tv/film.

 

Saturday Night, March 17, 2012 7:30 PM
Producers by Carmen Scott, Lenny Payan: 18 mins.
Danielle feels like the littlest person in the room. Her job as the script coordinator for a wildly popular television drama sounds exciting, but with a job description of "copy, collate, repeat," she doesn't quite agree. When producers introduce plans to shoot an ill-conceived "urban" episode of the show, Danielle finally feels compelled to use her voice.
Daisy Bates: First Lady of Little Rock: 60 mins.The education of African American children has always been an important issue for the Black community.  Today parents  are still struggling to give their childrean a 'quality education'  and teachers  continue to seek fair compensation and a voice in the educational process.  All across the country  public schools are closing, budgets are being cut while testing and charter schools are all the rage.

Back in 1957, the education system was a  ball of confusion when a Black woman named Daisy Bates stepped forward.  Mrs. Daisy Bates was a complex, unconventional(not scared), and largely forgotten heroine of the civil rights movement who led the charge to desegregate the all-white Central High School in Little Rock, Arkansas in 1957 . Can you say Little Rock 9?
In an age when portrayals of women in the media seem to have taken a dramatic leap backwards, films like Daisy Bates: First Lady of Little Rock represent a much needed change of pace. We only get these images from independent media filmmakers who have a world view that does not aspire for Hollywood. It’s 2012 and the struggle continues!

 

WHERE:

South Dallas Cultural Center

3400 S. Fitzhugh Street   South Dallas, Texas  75210

Admission: $10 nightly; Saturday Morning FREE

 

 

 

For a complete listing of all events celebrating Black Women's Month at the South Dallas Cultural Center check out http://www.dallasculture.org/SDCulturalCenter/eventCalendar.asp

Invite you to the

DFW Ethiopian Community Blog supports ESFNA's 29 annual tournament in Dallas!!!!

Posted by Yeharerwerk Gashaw.
Message from esfna buisness manager.

-----Original Message-----
From: ESFNA Vending <business.manager@esfna.net>
To: yehar9 <yehar9@aol.com>
Sent: Mon, Feb 27, 2012 8:59 pm
Subject: ESFNA Vending Application for Dallas, TX
      
       
 ESFNA is delighted to announce its 29th annual tournament to be in Dallas, TX.  We always appreciate the vendors that have made our event successful and colorful through the years.  As we thank you for your previous partnership with us, we would also like to extend an invitation for you to come and register as a vendor for this year&rsquo;s event in Dallas, TX.

This year, we are anticipating our biggest crowd ever and we need enough vendors to partner with us to serve our guests and players who are making their preparations for Dallas as we speak.  Vending spots are limited and provided on first-come-first-served basis.  Click on the link below and register today.
http://esfna.net/view.php?category=1268100224
Notice:  We have prepared online forms for ease of registration; however, since it has become harder to sort the serious applicants from the rest, we only accept applications with a non-refundable $30.00 application fee.

Thank you and look forward to working with you in Dallas, TX.  We appreciate your continued partnership with ESFNA.

ESFNA,
Business Manager

Bandele Tyehimba an African-American Revolutionary Pan-Africanist

By Marilyn K.
"The Ancestors Have Called"
 
Bandele Tyehimba
December 17, 1953-February 15, 2012

 
 Our Comrade Bandele Tyehimba, Revolutionary Pan-Africanist, Organizer with the United States of Africa Revolutionary Party (USARP), and Formerly 30 year member of the All African People's Revolutionary Party (AAPRP), owner of the Pan-African Connection Bookstore, Art Gallery and Resource Center a 22 year old institution of African Culture and Political Education in Dallas Tx.,   Husband, Father and ideological father and friend to many.

" Bandele was a man of principles, Bandele was a worker, Bandele was a man who loved African People and Humanity, Bandele loved Africa more than anything  and his work to unify Africans made a trememdous impact on the Dallas and Global Commnity.

We will miss him, says Akwete his wife,  he fought imperialism until his eyes closed for his final nap."   Bandele like Garvey would say, "Look for me in the whirlwind or the storm, look for me all around you, for with God's grace, I shall come and bring with me countless millions of freedom fighters, who have died fighting the exploitation, and oppression of working people and the millions in Africa to aid you in the fight for Liberty, Freedom and Life".

We salute our brother for his consistent and courageous contribution to the Liberation of African People
Bandele said, " When MLK spoke of the Promise Land he was'nt speaking of America or some seat in the heaven, but The 'Promised Land' of African people worldwide is
'A United States of Socialist Africa',"

 
Awaking Ceremony
Date: Tuesday, February 21st
Time: 6:00pm – 8:00pm
Location: Pan African Connection Bookstore
828 4th Avenue , Dallas, TX 75226
Phone: 214-943-8262
Cell: 214-417-6463

Funeral Service:
( Requested  Attire : White  or African Attire ( No Black)
Date: Wednesday, February 22nd
Time:  11 am
Location: St. Luke "Community" UMC
  5710 East R. L. Thornton Frwy. , Dallas, TX 75223
  Phone: 214.821.2970 Main Office
  214.821.3791 Main Fax
 
 
Repass ( Gathering After Funeral )
Location:Cornerstone Baptist Church
1819 Martin L. King Junior Boulevard, Dallas, TX 75215
 
Recommended Attire for Services: White or African attire,
(But if not please come as you are)
 
Flowers may be sent to the
Pan-African Connection Bookstore
828 4th Ave., Dallas Texas 75226

 
 

Let's Rock Black History Every Day

Local Long Time African Revoluntionary Warrior Bandele Tyeimba Passes While Sleeping

From: Thomas Muhammad
Dallas

Hotep Family and especially to those who are "Ready for the Revoluntion!"

It saddens me to announce that my dear friend of nearly 27 years has passed on to the place of our holy African Ancestors. Brother Bandele Tyeimba, Co-Owner of the Pan African Connections Books & Resource Center passed away in his sleep last night.

His longtime soul mate and loving wife Akwete said he became a little tired and decided to rest for a while. When she herself decided to retire to bed as well she found he was unresponsive and she quickly tried to find the problem for his unresponsiveness. Finally after attempting several ways to bring him around she dialed 911, but it was too late to revive him.

Our Brother Warrior leaves behind three beautiful children whom many of us on this list watched and assisted in bringing about their development. They have all grown up to be great examples of how movement can be a wonderful environment to raise children who truly understand the world and their role in it.

Much like Osagyefo Kwame Nkrumah, Atse Haile Selassie, Amilcar Cabral, Frantz Fanon, Malcolm X, Martin Luther King, Jr. Kwame Toure, Asa Hilliard, Khalid Abdul Muhammad, Tupac Shakur and many others our Warrior Brother Bandele has left his mark on our struggle forever. I will never forget my travel with him to Ghana it will truly remain one of the high points in my life and growth as a proud African. 

Please let us take a moment to remember particularly as we look around our homes, offices and places of abode at the many African products our Brother Warrior provided us towards uplifting our movement struggle in this community of Dallas Texas, surrounding areas of North Texas, the Texas state and indeed the nation of America.

We will forever be grateful for his continued insistence that we continue to "move our people forward towards a United States of Africa."

Sure we will mos def miss him, but this is not a time for downward fillings. Instead let us fill the air with the sounds of our mother drums and dance the dance of our Ancestors and celebrate the great life of this Warrior's spirit!

Aluta Continua! The Struggle Continues...

Your Brother in struggle Thomas Muhammad, Chairman NBUF-Dallas Chapter

Forward Ever! Backwards Never!

"Stand up for your rights where ever you are. Support Amnesty Internatioanl". Yeharerwerk Gashaw

To free Ethiopian Christians from Saudi Arabia Prison.

Ethiopian National Government In Exile.

አጭር መግለጫ።
Dallas, Texas.

ይድረስ ለመላው የኢትዮጵያ ሕዝብ።

ከጃንዋሪ ጀምሮ በሳውዲ አረቢያ ክርስትናን በማምለካቸው የታሰሩት ኢትዮጵያውያን መብት ለማስጠበቅ ያስችል ዘንድ የኢትዮጵያ ብሔራዊ የስዴት መንግሥት ዋና መቀመጫው ዳላስ ቴክስሳ በኢንተርናሽናል ደረጃ ታሳሪዎቹን ለማስለቀቅ ሃያ ምስት አለም አቀፍ የሃይማኖት ታዋቂ ድርጅቶችን እና የተለያዩ መንግስታትን አሜሪካንን የጨመረ ትብብር በጠየቀው መሰረት የታስሪ ክርስቲያኖች ኢትዮጵያውያን ወገኖች ጉዳይ እየተስተጋባ ነው። በዲፕሎማቲክ ሕብርተሰብ መንግስታቸውን ወክለው ከሳውዲ መንግስት ጋር በመነጋገር ትብብራቸውን ያሳዩ ብዙ ናቸው። ይህ በግለሰቦች ጥረት ብቻ እግቡ የሚደርስ ሳይሆን ትልቅ የዲፕሎማሲ እና ታዋቂ የሰው ልጅ መብት ተከራካሪዎችን የሚጠይቅ በመሆኖ በተለያ ዘርፍ ያለን ግንኙነት እየረዳን ነው። የሚተባበሩን ከከተሞች እና አገሮች መሃል፡ ዳላስ ቴክሳስ፡ ሂውስተን፡ አትላንታ፡ ሰልማ አለባማ፡ ኒዮርክ፡ ዋሽንግተን ዲሲ፡ ካሊፎርኒያ፡ አፍሪካ ፓሪስ ፍራንስ፡ ኢንግላንድ፡ ጣሊያን ፡ ጀርመን፡ ራሻ፡ ቱርክ፡ ይገኙበታል።

የሐረርወርቅ ጋሻው
ሊቀመንበር።

Actress Yeharerwerk Gashaw is a Casting director and Yeharer Int'l Modeling &Talent Agency owner.

By Amanda B. Strauss
Los Angeles, CA.

What is a casting director?
Casting directors are hired by the producers and directors to audition talent for roles. Then their job is to show the best of the best to the producer and director for the final decision making. They also know how to negotiate and finalize the talent's contracts. The agent's job is to get the actor's photo and resume in front of the casting director while they are actively casting projects.

Casting is one of the most important jobs in the entertainment industry. Typically, casting directors offer a range of services, from drawing up lists of prospects to screening candidates on videotape to conducting nationwide searches and overseeing auditions. Demands vary from negotiating a bit player's fee to populating a director's vision with the right faces and voices. Casting is the only trade not recognized with an Academy Award; the Casting Society of America honors outstanding achievement with its annual Artios awards, the profession's equivalent of the Oscars.
The person who auditions and helps to select all of the speaking role actors in film, television shows or plays. The CD must possess a vast knowledge of the actor pool and be able to match a variety of actors with just the right role. Directors and producers rely on the Casting Director to assist them with assembling the perfect cast for their production. Casting Directors are also responsible for serving as the liason between the director, and the actors and their agents. CDs negotiate the deals with agents once the actors have been cast and are also responsible for the contracts and SAG of each actor.
Most casting directors operate in Los Angeles or New York, but there are still casting directors in other states as well.

A Busy Job
Casting directors probably have the most busiest job in Hollywood, Paris, Londen. It’s their job to find or “cast” all of the roles for any given movie or television project in a limited time. They are the ones that send out the “breakdowns” (see what an agent does to find out what a breakdown is) to the agents for specific roles they are looking for. So for example, in a movie script, if there is a little Asian girl who is eight years old, it will be up to the casting directors to let all of the talent agents know that they are looking for an eight year old Asian girl for that particular movie project, get it? Now as you know, there are many characters in a single movie or television show so you can now guess how busy it would be for the casting directors to find just the right actor…a good enough actor to fit the right roles. So to sum it up, the casting director spends most of the day looking at tons of theatrical pictures from various agents. Once they see someone with a good resume’ or experience and someone who may look like the character described in the script, they request an audition to the agent for that particular actor.
Casting directors are hired to cast talent for:

• Movies
• Shows
• Original Features
• Commercials
• TV Programs
• Print Work
• Fashion Shows
• Runway
• And much, much more

The Audition Process
Next comes the actual audition. After the casting director feels you may be right for the role, you have to audition. Ha, ha, ha, you don’t get the part yet. You don’t expect the casting director to just give you a part after only looking at your picture do you? Now here’s where all of your training and knowledge of acting has to come through. The competition is fierce so you’ll have to be prepared for this part--the "audition process". One mental breakdown during the audition process can mean you not getting the role so you’ll have to pretend that you’re not as nervous as you feel inside. Pretend, see? You’re acting already---even before the audition! It typically involves a series of auditions before a casting panel, composed of individuals such as the producer, director and/or choreographer. In the early stages of the process, candidate performers often may present prepared audition pieces such as monologues or songs. Later stages may involve groups of candidates attempting material from the work under consideration in various combinations; the casting panel considers both the talent of the individual actors and the chemistry of their combination.Depending on the prestige of the role, casting calls may go out to the public at large (typical for community theatre), to professional and semi-professional local actors (for supporting roles in theatre and film) or to specifically selected actors (for leading roles, especially in films).

Did You Get The Part?
If you think you did great on the first audition, hang in there, you’re not done yet. If you did good the first time, you’ll have to most likely audition again but this time in front of the director and producers of the project. So, your first audition would have been with just you and the casting director. The second audition will be with the casting director, director, and producers. The casting director is basically taking you in to show the top people what they found for that particular role for the television or movie project. This process may vary at times and sometimes you may even have to audition a third time but this is basically how it goes. You shouldn’t be afraid of casting directors though. They actually want you to do good on the audition because it makes them look good. They’ll be praised because such a talented person like you so do good on the audition! Once you do get the part, they let your agent know and then your agent will call you with the good news!

The History of Casting
Casting was born in the early 60's when the studio system collapsed and power shifted to the stars and their agents. Previous to that actors were under contract with the studios and negotiation was nonexistent, since the studio owned the talent.

In the production of film and television, a similar process is followed.
However, especially for major productions, the process of selecting candidates for sometimes hundreds of parts and possibly thousands of extras may often require specialized staff; while the last word remains with the people in artistic and production charge, a Casting director (and/or Casting Assistant, Casting Associate) may be in charge of most of the daily work involved in this recruiting process during pre-production; in addition the "CD" may also remain as liaison between director, actors and their agents once the parts have been cast.

At least in the early stages and for extras, casting may be decentralized geographically, often in conjunction with actual shooting planned in different states, e.g. in Hollywood , Dallas, New York (studio) and one or more exotic locations (e.g. Hawai, the Far East) and/or budget locations, e.g. Canada, Ireland. Another reason may be tapping in to each home market in the case of an international co-production. However for the top parts, the choice of one or more celebrities, whose presence is of enormous commercial importance, may rather follow strictly personal channels, e.g. direct contact with the director.

The United Nations criticized the Ethiopian government’s use of an anti-terrorism

Bloomberg

UN Rights Advocates Criticise Ethiopia’s Use of Anti-Terror Law

February 03, 2012, 5:19 AM EST

 

By William Davison

Feb. 3 (Bloomberg) -- The United Nations criticized the Ethiopian government’s use of an anti-terrorism law to curb freedom of expression by jailing opposition politicians and reporters critical of the state.

In December, two Swedish journalists were sentenced to 11 years each by an Ethiopian court for supporting terrorism after being captured with a banned rebel group. An exiled journalist, two writers, a politician and one other individual, all from Ethiopia, were given terms ranging from 14 years to life last week for plotting terror acts.

Journalists “should not face criminal proceedings for carrying out their legitimate work, let alone be severely punished,” Frank La Rue, UN Special Rapporteur on freedom of expression, said in a statement posted on the website of the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights.

Ethiopia holds journalists accountable when they commit crimes, Communications Minister Bereket Simon said.

“Ethiopia clearly differentiates between freedom of expression and terrorism,” he said in a phone interview from the capital, Addis Ababa, today. “This is simply a very wrong defense of foreign journalists who have been caught red-handed when assisting terrorists.”

Ethiopia was the third-largest recipient of humanitarian aid in the world in 2009, receiving $3.8 billion, according to Global Humanitarian Assistance, the Wells, England-based research group. There are 26 UN agencies operating in Ethiopia, according to the Addis Ababa-based Development Assistance Group, which represents Ethiopia’s donors.

Terror Acts

Next month, 24 people including government opponents, exiled journalists and dissident writer Eskinder Nega, begin their defense of charges of committing terror acts under the Horn of Africa nation’s 2009 law.

“Journalists, bloggers and others advocating for increased respect for human rights should not be subject to pressure for the mere fact that their views are not in alignment with those of the government,” Margaret Sekaggya, who speaks for the UN on behalf of human rights defenders, said in the statement.

Critics are applying “double standards” as they do not claim freedom of expression is endangered when journalists are prosecuted in the West, according to Bereket.

Five human-rights groups, including London-based Amnesty International and New York-based Human Rights Watch, said a court case today in Addis Ababa threatens the “last remaining human rights monitoring NGO in Ethiopia.” The Addis Ababa-based Human Rights Council is trying to get a decision to freeze its funding reversed, the group said yesterday.

In 2009, Ethiopia banned charities working on human rights from receiving more than 10 percent of their funding from abroad.

--Editors: Paul Richardson, Karl Maier.
To contact the reporter on this story: William Davison in Addis Ababa via Nairobi at pmrichardson@bloomberg.net.
To contact the editor responsible for this story: Antony Sguazzin at asguazzin@bloomberg.net.

Ethiopian rebels (ARDUF) claim responsibility for volcano attack.

 ARDUF, Ethiopian rebel group said via e-mail on January 27, that TPLF's government is blocking the release of two German hostages the fighters are holding.

Last week, ARDUF have blamed the Ethiopian government (TPLF) forces for the deaths of five European tourists in a clash last week.The Afar Revolutionary Democratic Unity Front (ARDUF) said the deaths occurred when TPLF (/ethiopian government) troops fired on a rebel unit which had kidnapped the visitors.

Two Germans kidnapped by the group are "in good health", the rebel said in a statement.
The clash happened on 17 January in the Afar region near the border with Eritrea.
Two Germans, two Hungarians and an Austrian national were killed in the incident.
The rebels - who are fighting for greater autonomy - said in their statement that they killed 16 Ethiopian soldiers and wounded a dozen.

The 'new' OLF: Much ado about nothing

Posted by Grum Ararsso
                Washington DC        

The 'new' OLF: Much ado about nothing

By Jawar Mohamed | January 6, 2012

 Earlier this week, one of the several OLF factions announced that it had adopted a new political program that apparently drops the ‘secessionist’ agenda. This announcement was preceded and followed by hyped fanfare by Ginbot 7 and its affiliates.

 The news had excited a segment of Ethiopia’s political community long haunted by the prospect of an independent Oromia state and those democracy activists  who wish to see cooperation among the opposition forces. Unfortunately, even for a casual observer of Ethiopian politics, the content of the new program does not show any substantive change nor

 

The  the serious reflection the issue demands. What’s more, theexciting narrative employed to sell the supposed change

 to the public is at best disingenuous,

 misleading and distracting in the long run.
What’s new in the brief and poorly articulated announcement?The press release announcing the new program reveals the superficial nature of the said change in policy. The closest inference to the much-celebrated “change of heart” reads, “The new OLF political program will accept the new federal democratic republic of Ethiopia”. There are two serious flaws here.

First, federalism, even if more of a facade, is now a two-decade-old experiment in Ethiopia; hence, it’s not clear what this ‘new federalism’ entails. Second, this is hardly a change, as OLF not only accepted federalism during the 1991 transition but was also its leading architect.  To ‘accept’ federalism, a system it helped create 20 years ago, is at best disingenuous.  Paradoxically, it is Ginbot 7 and affiliates, who are adamantly opposed to federalism, that need to accept it — not the other way around.
On dropping the secessionist bombshellThe buzz on both ends of the political divide about OLF dropping ‘secessionism’ and embracing ‘Ethiopianism’ is equally misleading.  The Oromo movement, particularly one led by the OLF, had never foreclosed on the possibility of resolving the Oromo question within the existing Ethiopian state structure. The OLF program, through all of its amendments from the time of founding to now, left the door open for both options: reforming Ethiopia and establishing an independent Oromia.

The organization of late relies on the vague notion of ‘self-determination’, especially in its diplomatic outreach, for keeping these two options open. The much-celebrated new program invokes the same vague declaration asserting that, “the OLF will respect and honor all decisions the Ethiopian peoples will make using their right of self-determination.”

Beneath the fanfare, this is yet another word game in the never-ending drama of Ethiopian politics where politicians conceal their real objectives behind loose words. Amhara parties espouse unity while covering up their quest to regain dominance, Oromos use self-determination to appease and confuse their internal and external audience, while Tigreans proclaim democracy and federalism to camouflage their monopoly.
Why all the huffing and puffing?The only change in all of this, if any, is the shift in the attitude of the ‘unity’ crowd. In the past, whenever Oromo organizations reached out to ‘unionist’ organizations they were met with suspicion, pessimism, and outright rejection. This time around, they are not only embracing the ‘changed OLF’ but also intensely engaged in disseminating and promoting the news.

There are  three possible explanations for this:

1)  the ‘unity’ crowd has always suffered from self-righteousness in attempting to assert a moral high ground against the ‘ethno-nationalist’ camps. They now see the OLF ‘embracing Ethiopia’ as their victory, a testament to the inferiority of nationalist narrative.

2) Ginbot 7 has been attempting to forge alliances with ‘armed’ and nationalist organizations, an effort frustrated by rival groups such as the EPRP, who accuse it of endangering Ethiopian unity. Therefore, Ginbot 7 & affiliates are beating the drum louder pronouncing that the OLF has ‘embraced Ethiopia’, a rhetoric solely designed to silence its critics. This also gives the leaders of Ginbot 7 some bragging rights for bringing a ‘rebel child home.’

3)  In the last several years, there has been a popular demand  to reduce  tension and antagonism, between the Oromo and Amhara political communities, and replace it with reconciliation and cooperation. Thus, some, including international observers, were deceived taking  the recent drama for a genuine initiative.

Oromo activists are likening this development to the formation of a new OPDO.  The actions and attitudes of Ginbot 7 leadership elevate this suspicion. By sidestepping a genuine negotiation it had started with the core leadership and intellectuals and ‘running away’ with splinter cadres, Ginbot 7 appears to be imitating what the TPLF had done in late 80’s.

It might be the case that, in order to become a dominant voice in its envisioned coalition,  Ginbot 7, despite the rhetoric, prefers to have a weaker OLF faction than a united front.   But this is  a serious strategic blunder. First, Ginbot 7 is not at a stage where TPLF was at the time. TPLF  had  already effectively defeated the Derg and needed satellite organizations  only to legitimize its rule.  In contrast, Ginbot 7 is banking on the Oromo support to overthrow Meles. At this juncture, such support cannot be garnered via a parasite organization and deceitful tactics.

Second, unlike the prisoners of war  that made up the original OPDO,  leaders and cadres of this OLF faction , even if seemingly novice ideologues, are hardcore nationalists who cannot be reduced to a subservient role. Like their predecessors, Ginbot 7 leaders  seem to have taken the goodwill of the Oromo for naivety. But this could be a blessing in disguise with a potential to unite the fratricidal OLF factions becoming a catalyst for a popular demand of many diaspora based compatriots.
Hiding behind mountains of failureOrganizationally, the OLF has been on a downward spiral for the last two decades. The release of a ‘new’ program and formation of newer partnerships have, in essence, become  a tactical gamble to cover up its organizational inefficiency and strategic blunders. This new faction emerged in 2008 with the promise of ushering in a swift ‘change’ and reigniting the struggle. Three and half years later, it had no results to show for the “change we can believe in.” Thus, in order to remain relevant and renew their contract with their constituency, they have  to announce a new initiative.

Similarly, Ginbot 7 emerged by promising to bring down Meles and establish democracy within few years, if not months. Yet, three years later, it had nothing to show for it. Part of its support base is the ‘urban middle class’,  a result-oriented constituency that demands return on its money and  cannot be satisfied by nationalistic rhetoric alone.  Thus, amid their shared desperation, the leaders of the two groups hope to use the alliance to calm their critics and energize supporters.
In search of a shortcutThese newer and more ambitious OLF cadres, fed up with the old and conservative institution, are interested in ‘doing something’ regardless of its consequences and whether it addresses or exacerbates the root causes of the conflict. Likewise, Ginbot 7, whose top leaders are engaged in a bitter personal feud with TPLF leaders, are hell-bent on avenging, by any means necessary, the humiliation they were dealt following the 2005 controversial election.

In order to thrive, the two groups need to access to each other’s resources (political, economic, manpower). The OLF, whose financial support from among its constituency has dried up, seeks to tap into Ginbot 7’s relatively better-endowed constituency. The OLF would also like to penetrate the Amharic-dominated media market in order to reach the urban constituency, Ginbot 7’s mainstay. Ginbot 7 lacks a military capability both in terms of manpower and an area of operation. OLF’s military experience and relative access to Oromo recruits and jungles of Oromia, is indispensable for a possible insurgency.

In addition, the leaders of Ginbot 7, whose ambition was cut short due to the re-alliance of the Oromo elite with the ruling party during the aftermath of the 2005 election, clearly understand the need for an Oromo partner to gain the support of - or at least neutralize - the domestic Oromo constituency.

Despite these needs, they do not expect  cooperation to  be smooth. The two groups represent antagonistic political communities whose narratives don’t see eye to eye, both in terms of diagnosing the problem and prescribing a solution.  They rely on sharply contradictory analysis of the historical root causes of the problem in Ethiopia and have conflicting visions about the future. Bridging this entrenched  animosity is a horrendous and time-consuming task beyond the stamina of the two groups under discussion. Thus, bypassing it with minimal and symbolic compromises, while leaving the major differences aside, seems the easy way out.
The appearance of communality between these two groups is not just a preference for quick fix. But it is the inability to learn from strategic mistakes they’ve made just few years back. The leaders of Ginbot 7 did not learn from their debacles with Coalition for Unity and Democracy and few botched attempted ‘operations’ afterwards. By making the same hasty and immature decision like its original ‘coup’ against Dawud Ibsa’s leadership, the OLF faction also  demonstrated the same utter lack of self-reflection.

Can this tactical alliance work?Generally speaking, bringing about regime change through allying forces presumes that
a) each member party brings certain capabilities ( strategies, experience) and resources ( human, material, financial) to the table, and  b) the alliance would be sustainable.

Unfortunately, neither the OLF faction nor Ginbot 7 has tangible operational capabilities. Both parties are diaspora-based with little to no organizational visibility on the ground. They lack organizational strength and a feasible strategy to build one. The leaders themselves are not willing to directly engage in the conflict and are resigned to waging a long-distance war.

In other words, both parties bring no tangible strategic resources to the battlefield and their alliance adds little firepower to the opposition camp. There are very few examples historically where an opposition brought down an incumbent without direct action, be it through nonviolence or armed struggle.

This alliance is unlikely to be sustainable either. While avoiding concrete compromise makes it easy to form an alliance, it also paves a way for internal and external actors to break it apart. The two groups are not addressing the contentious issues that divide their respective constituency inviting detractors to poke at these glossed-over differences, stir up controversy and crack the alliance. For instance, within hours of the announcement, the OLF faction was confronted with internal revolt and defection from the rank and file—further depleting its already slim base.

This is in addition to the members and most of the seasoned leadership that had already dissociated itself long before the announcement. It will not be a surprise then if the leadership is forced to rollback its compromises in an effort to reclaim some nationalist credentials. Resorting to nationalistic rhetoric, after causing so much euphoria, will have a dampening effect on Ginbot 7’s  constituency—who will pressure its own leaders back to their previous stance. This is exactly what happened to the Alliance for Freedom and Democracy (AFD).
Narcissism of righteousnessIt’s quite disturbing to observe the ongoing orgy of self-congratulation amongst the ‘unity’ crowd. Ginbot 7 is busy taking credit while its conservative base is elated with glorious victory of their ideology.  Unfortunately, the claim is false, and the declaration of victory is erroneous.

Before this announcement, some leaders of Ginbot 7 implied that they had convinced the OLF to change its mind.  Such hyperbolic claims might help them collect some credit from their base but ignores such paternalistic attitude can cause serious backlash against the partner they were grooming.

It is true that the emergence of moderate parties, such as Ginbot 7, have been a positive development in improving dialogue between the two constituencies. However, to imply that Ginbot 7 baptized the OLF and helped it see the light of the day is foolish.

Starting in the late 80’s, Oromo nationalism has been undergoing a sustained internal critique. The debates have helped scholars and activists to scrutinize the objective, strategy and external relation  of the movement. Hence, the issue of working with Amhara organizations and democratizing Ethiopia had been widely discussed long before Ginbot 7 appeared on the scene, and the discussion continued even when some Ginbot 7 leaders were dismissive of the Oromo struggle.  They might be unaware of the internal discussions but how could they forget the fact that AFD, the predecessor to their current initiative, was the brainchild of the OLF? The Oromo leaders  did not have to go to jail to recognize the genuine concern of those who worry about the potential danger associated with breaking up of the country.

Both this OLF faction and Ginbot 7 seem to be unaware of this history.

Given that the independence of Oromia has been a nightmare that long haunting the ‘unity’ crowd, it is understandable that the news of the OLF ‘dropping secessionism’ offers a sigh of relief. But what we’re observing is not an expression of relief but rather a declaration of ideological victory.

First, considering the half-hearted announcement is a usual tactical move coming from a small and disgruntled faction, it is too premature to declare a victory. Second, in a situation where there are competing nationalist narratives, such declaration is likely to stir up anger on the other side—weakening the moderates and strengthening the ultra-nationalists. To ensure its political survival, the moderate leadership would be forced to abandon the center.

Third, the sense of victory felt by the unity crowd does not seem to recognize the demographic changes taking place in Ethiopia.  Oromo nationalism was built by successfully  deconstructing the Ethiopian nationalism. Since 1991, the former has effectively displaced the later in Oromia and as a result an entire generation has been brought up with that narrative. Furthermore, despite its limits, self-rule has allowed the rise of millions of bureaucratic elites who have vested material and political interest in preserving the gains of the Oromo struggle and maintaining the nationalist narrative.

Although OLF was mainly responsible for constructing the Oromo nationalism, it is no longer in control of it. While the absence of a viable alternative political organization still allows the front to make minimal adjustments to the nationalist narrative, any shift that is perceived to endanger the interest of the rising bureaucratic elite faces automatic rejection.

Therefore, Ethiopian nationalism, with its conservative and  assimilationist undertone, has little chance of re-establishing itself in Oromia, Ogaden, Sidama, Afar or anywhere else other than some urban areas and the Amhara region. The current elation is an exercise in self-deception, and further cripples Ethiopian nationalism as a unifying  ideology by preventing it from transforming itself to adapt to new realities.
“There are no shortcuts to any place worth going”
The widespread antagonism we’re facing is a legacy of centuries of confrontations. Over this long period of conflict, the land has been drenched with blood and left us with painful memories that need to be recognized, deep-rooted prejudices that must be exorcised, and pervasive political, social and cultural disparities that must be addressed. This is  necessary both  for waging a unified struggle against the current dictatorship and for building a democratic, inclusive, and stable country afterwards. In order to be sustainable and effective, alliance of forces need to be built on a solid foundation. Such foundation requires reaching concrete consensus  on our collective past, present, and future. Issues of historical legacy had to be addressed head on.  The role and share of the constituent parties of the alliance need to be clearly spelt out. The formula  for equitable distribution of power and wealth must be developed. And  each political block must openly and honestly communicate these compromises to their perspective constituency  in order to secure a genuine support from the plurality. As we’ve observed during the Arab Spring and previous transitions, reaching concrete agreement on the rule of the game does not only help depose dictators, but it is also an indispensable factor in ensuring the establishment and consolidation of a democratic order.

Simply put, any initiative that hushes over the past and sends ambiguous messages about the future is doomed to fail. Sadly when they fail, they cause setback to positive gains by depleting trust and complicating  issues. As the Oromo proverb goes, “karaan sobaan darban galaaf nama dhiba”  or its Amharic version “alebabsew biyarsu barem yimelsu”

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